Monthly Archives: March 2014

Forecasting or Risk Management?

“There’s a chapter in the new book on what I think economics should be about, which is not forecasts. It’s about not taking the wrong risks. You don’t know what’s going to happen but you can avoid excessive risk-taking and this, unfortunately, has not been the policy of the Federal Reserve.”

So says Andrew Smithers in the FT.  He’s right.  The ability to make economic forecasts is highly dubious from both theoretical and empirical viewpoints.  Theoretically, human behavior and interaction is not governed by any stable rules or relationships.  This leads to almost infinite combinations of events, and the possible combinations are always changing.  Empirically, economists are usually wrong in their forecasts.

It is probably a better idea to focus on positioning oneself with the probable current, not try to guess where that current will take you.  In today’s world this usually means trying to understand the likely effects of government, especially central bank, policy on markets.  Free markets with free banking would offer weaker and shorter lived currents.  Better for average people, but worse for speculators.

Unfortunately, reducing one’s goals to simply being on the right side, probabilistically speaking, is not easy.  We are not talking about probability in the sense it is used in the natural sciences.  There are no stable distributions in economics.  Indeed, the most common distribution used in economics and finance, the normal distribution and its offshoots, is based on coin tossing where the probability of each of two possible outcomes is known and stable.  This is not the case when dealing with human beings, whose value scales, tastes, hopes, fears, time preferences, moods, etc. are in constant flux.  This means their reactions to events, which are themselves usually the result of other peoples’ reactions, are unstable from a probability standpoint.  Gambling probability, from which much of financial probability takes its inspiration, deals with large classes of events governed by the same probabilistic laws.  Human behavior, on the other hand, deals with individual cases, each of which has never happened before and which will never happen again, and hence are not governed by any knowable probability distributions.  The a priori distributions we put on them in order to understand them sometimes deviate from the results a posteriori.  This is the danger.

Another quote from Smithers in the article:

 “Prior to the great crash, Ben Bernanke wrote a paper claiming that central bankers have been responsible for what he called the ‘great moderation’. I thought he was right but I thought it was a disaster: in the process of moderating the swings of economies, they were also moderating the perceived riskiness of debt.”

Making economies appear less volatile than they are makes markets riskier.  The price stabilizing policies only serve to mask the true price changes, which makes economic calculation more difficult.  In this case, debt is underpriced in light of the true risk inherent in the economy.  People only see things through a monetary lens.  They see and react to nominal prices, not real prices.  This is when the miscalculation happens.

Volatility and Interest Rates

Volatility is low across many asset classes.  If volatility is a measure of uncertainty, then this is a bit strange.  These seem to be some of the most confusing economic times in recent history, with ever present calls for market crashes while stock markets move up, bonds stay very high, and oil moves sideways.

Central bank policy has provided strength to most markets, as they are designed to do.  This has in effect reduced downside volatility.  Oil is trading at less than 20% implied volatility, well below historic levels, even as economic uncertainty is high.  Oil production in the U.S. is growing and should be putting downward pressure on oil, but prices have been moving sideways since 2011.  Why would $100 WTI, with rising supply and economic crashes always around the corner, be trading at <20% implied put side volatility?

At least part of the answer seems to involve central bank policy.  Low interest rates have sent money out to non-traditional markets in search of yield.  Commodities like oil benefit from this.  Low interest rates also incentivize oil producers to keep oil in the ground.  If their option is to put their proceeds from oil sales into low to negative real rate paying treasuries, then why not wait?  Lastly, the money used by central banks to buy the bonds that keep interest rates low needs a home.  The new money is a wealth transfer from savers to the receivers of the new money, so there is a constant flow of real, not nominal, savings to the bondholders.  They will be looking for somewhere to invest the money.  These three factors, put in place because of the uncertainty the world faces, have led to the paradox of lower volatility in the face of greater uncertainty.

Below is a chart showing the Goldman Sachs commodity index with real 6 month interest rates:

image001

 

International Investment and Time Preference Mismatching

The mismatch between interest rates and time preferences is well known during times of central bank interest rate manipulation like we have today.  But less understood is the mismatch between time preferences among developed and developing countries.

As societies become wealthier, they begin to have higher savings rates.  The higher savings rates imply a lower time preference, meaning that they are willing to forgo consumption today for greater consumption later.  Time preference is the basis of interest rates.  Lower time preference for consumption leads to greater savings, which leads to more capital available to be lent and lower interest rates.

This all works out because a sufficient amount of capital available for, say, two year loans implies that in two years, when the project for which money is borrowed is completed and its products are being offered for sale, the buying power will be there to purchase the products.  The only question is whether or not the entrepreneur calculated consumer tastes correctly.

But does this work in the world of international capital flows?  Money saved in a wealthy, low time preference country that is invested in a poor, high time preference country could be at risk of a mismatch between the investment and its future products and the ability of the local citizens to purchase those products.  Especially in times like these, when central banks have pushed interest rates to very low levels, and investors are searching for creative ways to earn returns, the danger of mistaking rising foreign asset prices for good investment opportunities due to time preference mismatching seems great.