Category Archives: Economic Epistemology

Brooks Adams on the Limits of Consolidation and Centralization

Brooks Adams, the great-grandson of John Adams and grandson of John Quincy Adams, saw danger in the consolidation of power in a centralized State, as opposed to the dispersion of power envisioned (by many, but not all, of the founders) at the nation’s founding.  He wtote about it in The Law of Civilization and Decay.  Again from The Conservative Mind:

“Just how far the acceleration of the human movement may go it is impossible to determine; but it seems certain that, sooner or later, consolidation, having reached its limit, will necessarily stop.  There is nothing stationary in the universe.  Not to advance is to go backward, and when a highly centralized society disintegrates under the pressure of economic competition, it is because the energy of the race has been exhausted.”

I might amend Adams’ use of the word “economic” and instead use “political”, for economic power becomes subsumed to political power as that power is centralized.  Economic power is then redistributed from the central power, the State in D.C., back to its original geographic sources in the provinces, but this time to the State’s preferred hands, those who play the game and know how to feed power and what to ask in return.

This centralized State, being short-sighted and greedy, unable to plan, able only to maximize today’s gains at tomorrow’s expense, is doomed to break apart.  It may voluntarily relinquish some of its powers, but that is a sign that it is desperate, and that the relinquishing of power has only begun and will soon take on a life of its own.

 

Forecasting or Risk Management?

“There’s a chapter in the new book on what I think economics should be about, which is not forecasts. It’s about not taking the wrong risks. You don’t know what’s going to happen but you can avoid excessive risk-taking and this, unfortunately, has not been the policy of the Federal Reserve.”

So says Andrew Smithers in the FT.  He’s right.  The ability to make economic forecasts is highly dubious from both theoretical and empirical viewpoints.  Theoretically, human behavior and interaction is not governed by any stable rules or relationships.  This leads to almost infinite combinations of events, and the possible combinations are always changing.  Empirically, economists are usually wrong in their forecasts.

It is probably a better idea to focus on positioning oneself with the probable current, not try to guess where that current will take you.  In today’s world this usually means trying to understand the likely effects of government, especially central bank, policy on markets.  Free markets with free banking would offer weaker and shorter lived currents.  Better for average people, but worse for speculators.

Unfortunately, reducing one’s goals to simply being on the right side, probabilistically speaking, is not easy.  We are not talking about probability in the sense it is used in the natural sciences.  There are no stable distributions in economics.  Indeed, the most common distribution used in economics and finance, the normal distribution and its offshoots, is based on coin tossing where the probability of each of two possible outcomes is known and stable.  This is not the case when dealing with human beings, whose value scales, tastes, hopes, fears, time preferences, moods, etc. are in constant flux.  This means their reactions to events, which are themselves usually the result of other peoples’ reactions, are unstable from a probability standpoint.  Gambling probability, from which much of financial probability takes its inspiration, deals with large classes of events governed by the same probabilistic laws.  Human behavior, on the other hand, deals with individual cases, each of which has never happened before and which will never happen again, and hence are not governed by any knowable probability distributions.  The a priori distributions we put on them in order to understand them sometimes deviate from the results a posteriori.  This is the danger.

Another quote from Smithers in the article:

 “Prior to the great crash, Ben Bernanke wrote a paper claiming that central bankers have been responsible for what he called the ‘great moderation’. I thought he was right but I thought it was a disaster: in the process of moderating the swings of economies, they were also moderating the perceived riskiness of debt.”

Making economies appear less volatile than they are makes markets riskier.  The price stabilizing policies only serve to mask the true price changes, which makes economic calculation more difficult.  In this case, debt is underpriced in light of the true risk inherent in the economy.  People only see things through a monetary lens.  They see and react to nominal prices, not real prices.  This is when the miscalculation happens.

Garrison’s “Time and Money”, Chapter 3 Overview

The basic outline of Austrian macroeconomics and business cycle theory described above will now be elaborated.  A three part analysis, using the loanable funds market, the production possibilities frontier, and the Hayekian triangle to model the intertemporal production structure, will be employed to this end.

Capital Based Macroeconomics

Austrian macroeconomic theory is based on the market process, as the result of individual actions, in the context of the intertemporal capital structure.  Focusing on the intertemporal nature of capital allows this theory to capture the two pervasive elements in macroeconomics, time and money, where other theories can’t.  In so doing, it rejects the Keynesian theoretical division between macroeconomics and the economics of growth.  Mainstream macroeconomics studies economy-wide disequilibria with a focus on aggregates in a short term setting.  Growth theory studies a growing capital stock and its consequences in the long term.  Austrian macroeconomics, being capital based, combines the study of the short term macro, cyclical changes in the economy with the long run secular economic expansion due to a growth in capital.

This capital based approach has three integrated elements:  the market for loanable funds, the production possibilities frontier, and the intertemporal structure of production, where the market process is guided by the attempted match, by entrepreneurs, between consumer preferences and production.

The Loanable Funds Market

Austrian theory defines a loanable funds market with some modifications.  Consumer lending is netted out on the supply side.  The supply and demand of loanable funds is broadened to include retained earnings, which are simply a fund with which a business lends to and borrows from itself.  The purchase of equities, which in this context are closely related to debt instruments, is considered a form of saving.

The supply of loanable funds is defined as total income not spent on consumer goods, but instead used to earn interest or dividends.  In other words, investable resources.  Loanable funds are used to invest in the means of production, not in financial instruments.  Demand for these funds reflects businesses’ desires to pay for inputs now in order to sell output later.  Supply represents that part of income foregone by consumers for the consumption of goods now in order to save for more consumption later.  The supply/demand equilibrium coordinates these actions.

The investment of loanable funds brings the loan rates and the implicit interest rates among the various stages of production in line.  As more investment goes to those stages with temporarily higher returns, those stages are brought in line with the implicit rates in all other stages and the loan rate, so all rates tend to equalize.  The loan rate includes the expected return.  In this way it differs from the pure rate of interest, which is a reflection of societal time preferences.

Keynesian macroeconomics hints at psychological explanations for economic fluctuations.  Business confidence is described as the “waxing and waning of animal spirits”.  The other side of the coin from business confidence is the saver’s “liquidity preference”.  Austrian theory eschews these psychological explanations and instead focuses on economics.  Business confidence is assumed to be usually stable, and an economic explanation for expected losses from intertemporal discoordination is desired.  For savers, the concept of liquidity preference is discarded in favor of an economic explanation of lender’s risk, which, as with business confidence, is assumed to be usually stable.

As alluded to above, mainstream macro has two conflicting theoretical constructs:  one for short run equilibrium/disequilibrium and another for long run economic capital accumulation and growth.  The idea of saving as not consuming is important for the short run consumption-based theory.  Saving and decreased consumption are assumed to be permanent by businesses in the short run theory.  The paradox of thrift enters the picture here as savings won’t be fully borrowed for investment in production due to business pessimism.  For Keynesians especially, what appears to be disequilibrium is really an equilibrium with unemployment and is the normal course of things.  The long run theory, however, views saving and investment as the foundations of growth.

Austrian theory falls somewhere in between these two constructions.  People don’t just save; they save for the purpose of consuming more later.  They accumulate purchasing power for later use.  There is, of course, risk and uncertainty inherent in future demand for consumption goods.  The entrepreneur takes on this risk as he tries to earn a profit from the coordination of current saving and future demand.  The entrepreneur, then, is crucial in the Austrian theory.

The Production Possibilities Frontier

The Production Possibilities Frontier (PPF) can be used to show the tradeoff between consumption (C) and investment (I), rather than the tradeoff between consumption and capital goods as is normally done.  This modified use of the PPF captures gross investment, including capital maintenance and capital expansion.  The production of capital goods is equal to investment in any given period.  A stationary economy, with no growth and no contraction, has gross investment at a level only to maintain capital.

A PPF describing a mixed economy must also capture government spending (G) and taxation (T).  Conventional, Keynesian-based, macroeconomics defines total expenditure (E) as C + I + G.  In the Keynesian framework, consumption is stable, investment is unstable, and government spending is a stabilizing force.  Consumption depends on net income, but investment and government spending do not.  Investment has a mind of its own, so to speak, so Keynesian policy calls for G to counteract changes in I to allow for stable growth.

The particular design of the tax system and the types of government spending, whether that money goes to domestic investment or foreign military activities or so forth, will affect the shape of the PPF and the specific point of the PPF an economy will find itself.  Of course, governments often spend more than they bring in and finance the difference with debt.  This borrowing increases the demand for loanable funds, and government deficits, Gd, are added to investment, I, on the PPF’s horizontal axis.  Gd is defined as G – T.

In a private economy or an economy with G = T, the net PPF shows the sustainable combinations of C and I and assumes full resource employment.  Points inside the PPF have unemployment of labor (L) and resources.  This is considered the normal state of affairs in a private economy by Keynesians, where scarcity will not impede growth and C and I can move in the same direction.  In fact, Keynes’ General Theory includes points inside the PPF, and the theory considers points on the PPF to represent a special case, where Classical theory describes the economy well.

Representing the Intertemporal Structure of Production

Capital-based macroeconomics can make use of the Hayekian triangle to make a simple illustration of both the value added between production stages and the time dimension of the capital structure.  The horizontal leg of the triangle is production time, the vertical leg is the value of output, and the slope of the hypotenuse represents value added between stages.  The simplest, point input/point output, case, such as putting a food in storage before selling the more valuable aged product, contains one stage.  The triangle can be divided vertically to represent different production stages.  Consumption of consumer durables can be represented by another triangle back to back with the first, where the slope of its hypotenuse represents consumption through time.

The Macroeconomics of Capital Structure

Austrian macroeconomics combines the three part analysis described above.  The interest rate and the return on capital tend toward each other, so the slope of the Hayekian triangle and the interest rate normally move in the same direction in the absence of government spending and borrowing and other economic interventions.  The location of the economy described by the three part analysis on the PPF gives us that economy’s “natural” rate of employment, and the clearing rate of our loanable funds market gives us the “natural” rate of interest.

The supply and demand of money is not explicitly represented in this analysis, so transaction demand and speculative demand for money are not a part of Austrian macroeconomics.  The model of the economy, absent government intervention, is a system where money simply facilitates trade and is not a source of disequilibrium.  As such it is “pure” theory, and not monetary theory.  Finally, this method does not track the absolute price level, and instead focused on relative prices as the more important factor in the intertemporal coordination of production.

Austrian Business Cycle Theory (ABCT), on the other hand, treats money as a “loose joint”, where policy-induced money supply and interest rate changes cause economic disequilibria.  As such, ABCT is a monetary theory.  Keynesians consider the Real Balance Effect, where an increase in money’s purchasing power causes increased consumption, the only possible, though highly unlikely, market solution to economic depression.  Austrian macroeconomics counters by using the Capital Allocation Effect, where movements in relative prices within the capital structure allow for intertemporal resource allocation and societal consumption preferences to be in line without idle labor or resources.  Also unlike Keynesian macroeconomics, Austrian macro does not include “the” labor market.  Instead, many labor and resource markets are represented, with labor and resources moving between different stages as needed.

Macroeconomics of Secular Growth

A static economy is easily applied using the three part analysis of the PPF, the loanable funds market, and the Hayekian triangle, but secular growth is the more general case.  During growth, we have outward shifts of the PPF.  At the same time, societal time preferences might not have changed, so the interest rate can remain the same, and with it the slope of the Hayekian triangle, as the supply of and demand for loans both increase.  Historically, though, increases in wealth generally bring decreased time preferences, so the supply of loanable funds will outpace their demand, causing interest rates to fall.  Put another way, consumption increases at a slower rate than income since saving and investment also increase with rising income.

The equation of exchange, MV = PQ, where Q = C + I, implies that the general price level declines as consumption and investment increase.  Secular growth will bring lowered prices and wages in the sectors experiencing the growth with a given money supply and velocity.  This growth-based deflation does not bring disequilibrium, unlike deflation caused by changes in the supply and demand for money.  Growth brings greater saving and investment, which allows for a lengthening of the production structure and an eventual fall in the prices of consumer goods.

The Business Cycle

Credit Expansion and Inflation1

The money supply is unstable because governments can create fiat money at will and banks create uncovered money substitutes, meaning banks keep less than 100% reserves.  Those who receive the new money first, before the PPM has adjusted to the new supply, benefit.  They can trade over-valued money for goods until the new supply/demand equilibrium is reached.  People living on savings or a fixed income are hurt the worst as their costs rise but their nominal wealth remains constant.  Their real share of the money supply decreases.

Bank credit expansion, extending loans not backed by 100% reserves, is, like the creation of fiat money, a form of wealth redistribution.  Credit expansion can have worse consequences than money creation, and the problems often appear far after the act.  The benefits, however, quickly become manifest.

Inflation, including both credit expansion and fiat money creation, produce winners and losers as a new PPM equilibrium is established, depending on when each person receives the new money.  Permanent winners and losers are also created by the new equilibrium.  Each person has a unique spending pattern.  The uneven distribution of the new money, both in space and time, will cause permanent changes in relative goods prices.  This will cause permanent changes in many individuals’ consumption/investment proportions, and some will have to either buy goods which are relatively more expensive or will change their goods purchased.

Credit expansion lowers the loan rate of interest as more savings appear to be available to borrow.  This would seem to reflect a lowering of societal time preferences.  In fact, time preferences have not changed, and the loan rate and natural rate diverge.  The inflationary credit expansion has negative consequences apart from setting off the business cycle, which will be described below.  Savings, which appear to have grown, are actually hurt as savers, creditors, are repaid in devalued money.  Inflation causes capital consumption as businesses believe profits have risen and under-invest in terms of the new PPM.  These profits will appear to have risen most in the most capital-intensive businesses, since the greatest proportion of investment has been done under the old PPM but the profits appear in inflated money.  Real profits remain unchanged, but nominal profits, appearing high, attract new investment into these sectors.  Apart from investing in production above demand, investment is diverted from production which is demanded by society.  This is not understood at the time, which leads to the next step in the development of the business cycle.

Saving, Investment, and Interest Rates in the Free Market

In the free market, as the investment to consumption ratio goes up due to lowered time preferences, the prices of consumer goods fall and producer goods rise.  Goods of the lowest orders fall the most and those of the highest orders rise the most.  The structure of production is lengthened and efficiency increases as investment flows to the higher stages of production, along with labor and non-specific factors of production.  The lengthening of the production process entails more stages of production.  At the same time, the price differentials between these stages narrow.  A lower return per stage is earned in more stages of production.  This means that the natural rate of interest decreases, and this leads to a decrease in the loan rate as well.

This increase in investment, made possible by actual lowered societal time preferences and the resultant increase in available savings on the loan market, allows for a more efficient production process.  This efficiency eventually pays off in the form of more and cheaper consumer goods on the market.  Everyone’s real income increases.

There is no room for a business cycle to develop in the case just described.  Investment has been coordinated by capitalists and entrepreneurs with the information coming from the loan market.  This is turn has been a reflection of the natural rate of interest and lowered societal time preferences.  Credit expansion, while providing similar signals at first, leads to a very different scenario.

The Start of the Business Cycle

As banks extend loans not backed by reserves, the money supply increases and interest rates fall.  This fall is not, however, due to a lowering of societal time preferences.  Businesses borrow at the new, lower rates and buy capital goods and factors of production.  These resources are put to use in the higher stages of production, narrowing the price differentials between stages.  As in the first case, prices rise the most in the highest stages of production.  The difference now is that the lower interest rate which has led to the increased investment has not been matched by lower time preferences and higher savings.  Total money income was unchanged in the first case as the higher spending on the higher stages of production was offset by lower spending in the lower stages.  Also, the lengthened production structure was offset by the narrowed price differentials between stages.  Here, however, total money income increases as newly created money enters the production structure.  The lengthened production structure is not accompanied by a narrowing of the price differentials between stages because spending on consumer goods has not decreased and caused a fall in the prices of lower order goods.

The receivers of the newly created money allocate their spending based on their time preferences.  Businesses have over-invested in the higher stages of production and under-invested in the lower stages.  They were misled by the lower interest rates.  Societal time preferences and the new investments don’t match.  The savings required for sustaining the new production structure are not actually there.  The consumption/investment allocations of the public remain unchanged from where they were before the credit expansion, and the loan rate of interest is pulled back up toward the natural rate.

The prices of the goods used in the higher stages fall and the goods used in the lower stages rise back towards their levels seen before the credit expansion as the consumer demand for the new production structure is seen to not exist.  Time preferences are actually higher than the credit expansion led borrowers to believe.  The savings were never really there.  The credit expansion did not increase capital investment, it simply shifted investment to a longer production structure which was not matched by societal preferences.  The newly created money simply transferred purchasing power to the borrowers from everyone else.  The investment was financed via wealth transfer, not real, voluntary savings.

To summarize, consumers, who eventually receive the newly created money, spend according to their time preferences, which are higher than the credit expansion loan rates would make them appear.  Consumer goods prices rise as the new money is spent purchasing them, and the producer goods begin to fall as soon as there are no new loans based on credit expansion to bid them up.  The old spreads between higher and lower order goods return, and the new investment is seen to be a mistake.  Prices have risen for all goods as the PPM has decreased, but the relative prices return to pre-inflation levels, with some changes as described in the previous section on the PPM.  Societal time preference has also been altered due to the change in the PPM, but the new equilibrium approaches the old.  The business cycle elucidates the nature of the relation between the money supply and interest rates and how their manipulation affects the economy.  An increase in the money supply through credit expansion cannot permanently lower interest rates; it can only do so temporarily and at the cost of economic distortion.

Some Other Effects of the Credit Expansion

The downturn and depression phase of the cycle is really the beginning of the recovery from the harm caused during the boom.  Any actions that government may take to lessen the depression’s effects would only lead to its prolongation.  Only further credit expansion can prolong the boom period, and the further it is prolonged, the worse its effects will be.  The longer the credit expansion phase lasts, the worse the economic distortion and the resulting correction will be.  Scarce resources are misdirected during the boom, and society becomes poorer, though the opposite seems true at the time.

The expanding money supply and decreasing PPM will lower the demand to hold money, and people will begin buying goods in anticipation of continued rising prices.  If the dishoarded money flows to higher order goods, then profits will be lowered as the differentials between higher and lower stages become smaller.  This will further lower the loan rate below the natural rate, and the correction phase will be worse.

Deflation often occurs during the correction as credit contraction sets in.  This will allow for prices between goods of different orders to widen and return to levels in accordance with the natural rate of interest.  But whereas during the boom phase businesses were fooled by inflation into believing their profits were higher than they actually were, the same accounting error leads them to believe that profits are lower than they really are during deflation.  This will lead to more saving than would otherwise occur, which will help lessen the effects of the capital consumption that happened during the inflationary period.

1.  See Chapter 12, Section 11 in Rothbard’s Man, Economy, and State.

Money and Interest

In a barter economy with no money, it is easy to see how value and purchasing power come about:  a person must produce or acquire something, whether a good or service, that someone else would want to exchange another good or service for.  This is explained by Say’s Law.

Interest is evident in a barter economy as the ratio of current goods demanded to future goods.  This is the result of time preference, and shows that interest is not a monetary phenomenon but is the result of scarcity both in goods and time.

The situation is complicated by the use of commodity money in an economy, and even more so when fiat money is used that is not restricted in quantity by anything but government discretion.

What Kind of Good is Money?1

Is money a production or consumption good?  The loss or gain of a production or consumption good makes society worse or better off than before, but an increase or decrease in the supply of money cannot change society’s welfare, since it will only decrease or increase the purchasing power of existing money and will leave the overall value of all money unchanged.

No part of production or consumption is dependent on money, despite the fact that money greatly increases the ease of exchange.  The laws governing production and consumption goods are different than those governing money; they share only the basic laws of value.  Economic goods should therefore be divided into means of production, objects of consumption, and media of exchange.  These definitions will help to answer the question of whether or not money is capital, and help to elucidate the relation between the equilibrium (which is determined only by individuals’ time preferences) and money rates of interest.

What is the connection between private capital and money?  Private capital is the aggregate of products that are used to acquire other goods.  Money on loan bears interest, but produces nothing per se otherwise.  The borrower of money, however, exchanges it for economic goods, as do other holders of money.  Money is then part of private capital insofar as it is used as a means to obtain other capital goods.

Social capital is the aggregate of goods intended for use in further production, and money cannot be included since it is not a productive good.  The fact that the rate of interest is determined by the quantity of economic goods and not the quantity of money means that money is not a productive good.

Commodity Money2

The differences in money and commodities become obvious when looking at money’s objective exchange value, or purchasing power.  While money ultimately derives its value from the subjective valuations of people, as do all commodities, its subjective value is strongly affected by its objective exchange value, and is not so strongly affected by its objective use value and its place in the hierarchy of human needs as other goods are.

Subjective use and exchange values coincide in money since both are derived from its objective exchange value and money has no other use than in obtaining other economic goods.  The subjective use-values of commodities must be taken for granted and left to the psychology of each individual, but the analysis of money begins where the analysis of commodities stops, since money has no subjective value apart from its exchange value, and this comes from the subjective valuations of the goods for which money can be exchanged.  It is important to note that the exchange value discussed here, and which is derived from the individual subjective values placed on them, is not the same as the value theory of Smith and Ricardo and the Classical School, which took value in exchange as the starting point and which is derived from labor cost or cost of production (Marx used Smith’s labor theory of value to show the exploitation of the workers).

The price of money then is the amount of goods which money can be exchanged for.  Commodity values are explained by subjective use-value, but money only has value insofar as it can be exchanged for goods, and therefore has an objective exchange value, or price.  The objective and subjective values of money are linked.

Producers of goods focus on the exchange values of goods rather than on their use-values, which are subjective.  It is, however, the sum of the use-values placed on goods by all people in the market for those goods which determines the exchange values of those goods.

Money, however, cannot be traced back to any underlying aggregate use-values which are not tied to its own objective value which is in turn tied to the values of all the goods for which the money can be exchanged.

It was thought that the value of money depended on the economic use of the material of which it was made, but this cannot account for fiat money or credit money.  Monetary theory must remove all determinants of value which are tied to the money’s material, since these determinants make money indistinguishable from commodities.  Only the objective exchange value is important in monetary theory, as the economic value of its material can be explained by the standard tools of economics.

What gives money its value?  Fundamentally, it is the fact that market participants accept it as a medium of exchange; without this its value would collapse.  But given its acceptance, it has value as a medium through which the value of labor and goods are transferred between people.  A currency increases in value when more labor is undertaken in exchange for that currency and more goods denominated in that currency are traded.  An example is the desire of the US government to continue the pricing of international crude oil trading in dollars.  A less known example is the benefit to the dollar from having most illegal drugs priced in dollars worldwide.  Both of these increase the demand for dollars and therefore its value.  Holding supply constant for a currency, a greater amount of economic activity denominated in that currency increases its value.

Fiat Money

If the creator of the fiat currency, the government, decides to create more, it can essentially steal a proportion of the stored economic activity in that currency.  It can use the new money at the current value, before its market value decreases due to the increased supply.  Those connected to the government, who receive the money first, also benefit, as does everyone, with decreasing benefit, who acquires the money before it attains its new price based on the new supply.  This is the primary benefit of fiat currencies to governments and their partners.

The Demand for Money3

The demand for money is comprised of exchange demand and reservation demand, which gives the holder of reserves optionality.  Speculative demand exists when the PPM is expected to change.  The increase or decrease of money held hastens the change in the PPM to its expected value.

A growing economy will experience a long run increase in the demand to hold money as more exchanges and investments are made available.  Growing economies also develop clearing and credit mechanisms, which decrease the demand to hold money.

An individual’s time preference is shown in his allocation of money to consumption, investment, or to increasing his cash balance.  The proportion of money to consumption versus investment is a reflection of time preference.  An addition from income to the cash balance, or increased hoarding of cash, need not change the proportion devoted to consumption versus investment and therefore does not necessarily alter time preference or the rate of interest.  A change in the demand for money leads to a change in the PPM, while a change in time preference leads to a change in interest rates.

Interest as Time Preference4

A proper understanding of the nature of interest rates is fundamental to understanding the business cycle, which is itself caused by a divergence between the real and loan rates of interest.  This divergence, caused by an expansion of credit not backed by real savings, distorts the information provided by interest rates to entrepreneurs.  The phenomenon of interest results from the real economy as a result of time preference, which causes, all else equal, a higher price for goods now than in the future.  The pure rate of interest is the difference in value between present goods and future goods.  In the production process, interest is calculated as the difference in the final good and the sum of the factors of production, which are discounted to the final goods price due to time preference.  Productivity theories of interest ascribed the earning of interest to the productivity of the various factors of production.  In actuality, the prices of the capital goods are based on their productivity, but the discount of their prices to the final goods they help produce is due to time preference and is the pure rate of interest.

The classical economists called profit, or interest, the return to capital, rent the return to land, and wages the return to labor, but all three are really the result of time preference and their prices are calculated from their discounted products.  For example, without time preference and discounting, productive land prices would be infinite.

The pure rate of interest explains why shorter, less productive methods of production might be chosen over longer, more productive techniques.  Time preference often proves a stronger force than achieving more production per input.

Contrary to some theories, interest is not determined by the supply of and demand for capital goods on the market, but determines them, along with how much of the current stock of capital goods will be saved or consumed.  Interest does not cause saving, but aggregates the various individual time preferences of market participants and signals to borrowers a hurdle rate with which to analyze potential projects, and to potential savers what are the opportunity costs of consumption.  So the interest rate, as a manifestation of the goods economy and individual time preferences, serves as a signal from the real economy to the money loan market and brings its interest rates in line with the aggregated time preferences of a society.

Interest in a Monetary Economy5

The natural rate of interest is the market rate of return to economic production, also known as the marginal efficiency of capital.  The loan rate is simply a reflection of the natural rate and depends on the various expectations and decisions which economic actors make on the loan markets, stock markets, and other financial markets.

The natural rate is composed of the pure rate, which is due to time preference; the rates of return specific to various lines of production, which differ in risk, etc.; a purchasing power component which corrects for changes in the PPM during the time lag in the production process; and a terms of trade component due to the non-neutrality of money and the resulting different speeds of price change between factors of production and final goods.  Only the pure rate would exist in a world without uncertainty.

The relationship between interest rate changes and price changes will be analyzed in two parts:  first under the assumption of neutral money, and then allowing for non-neutrality of money.

A rise or fall in prices, meaning a fall or rise in the PPM, will cause nominal and real returns to deviate due to the time lag between the purchase of the factors of production and the sale of the final product.  In a world of rising prices, rates of return will appear higher than they are.  The decrease in the PPM will show that the apparent rise in profits was illusory.  Because of this deviation between the nominal and real return, the natural rate of interest contains a purchasing power component which corrects for actual changes in the PPM during the production process.  The purchasing power component would not exist if changes in the PPM were fully anticipated since market activity would quickly align the current PPM with the anticipated future PPM.

Changes in the PPM are never neutral, meaning they affect different goods differently.  The changes alter the hypothetical array of goods which measures the PPM.  Because of this, factors of production and final goods change at different speeds when the PPM changes and different factors change at different speeds, which changes the terms of trade in a production process.  When product prices rise faster than factor prices, a positive terms of trade component exists in the natural rate of interest and will be reflected in the loan rate.

Changes in the PPM6

A change in the money relation, which is the demand for and supply of money, is non-neutral, meaning, for example, that a doubling of the supply of money will not result in a doubling of all prices.  The new equilibrium between the money relation and goods will be different than the old equilibrium, apart from higher prices, and the path to that new equilibrium will not be predictable.  The relative prices between goods will also be changed.  Some people will gain and some people will lose.  Those whose selling prices rise faster than their buying prices will gain, as will those who receive the new money before goods prices have adjusted to the new money relation.  The new money will enter the economy at some points and will diffuse throughout the economy until individual prices have adjusted and a new equilibrium has been reached.

There is no gain in social utility from the new money relation resulting from a doubling of the money supply, only a transfer of some peoples’ PPM to others.  There are some who gain and some who lose, and there is a possibly destabilizing path to a new equilibrium.  Time preferences could also be changed since the winners will have different preferences than the losers.

The Money Supply and Goods Prices7

The exchange demand for goods is equal to the supply of money minus the reservation demand for money.  The total demand for goods is equal to the supply of money minus the reservation demand for money plus the reservation demand for all goods.  These are general and obvious relations, and it can be seen that any change in the money supply will have unpredictable consequences for the demand for any particular goods.

The exchange demand for money is equal to the supply of all goods minus the reservation demand for all goods.  All of these relations are pointing to the same thing, which is the PPM.  A rise in the supply of goods or the reservation demand for money cause the PPM to increase and a rise in the stock of money or the reservation demand for goods cause the PPM to decrease.  An increase in demand for any particular good will cause a decrease in demand for one or more other goods absent a decrease in the reservation demand for money.  A change in any specific demand for a good will not change the PPM if there is no change in the reservation demand for money.

PPM Stabilization8

All economic laws are qualitative.  Mathematical descriptions of economic laws obscure the fact that there are no constants in human action.  Mathematics relies on simplifications which cannot describe the level of uncertainty in the ever-changing magnitudes and correlations inherent in human economic activity.  For this reason the quantitative methods used to stabilize or control the PPM are dubious and often harmful.  These actions rely on indices which are supposed to measure a typical basket of goods available to the average consumer.  This average consumer, however, has constantly changing value scales and utilities of money and goods.  The attempt to stabilize the PPM through controlling the money supply will alter each individual’s value scales and will change the relative utilities of goods and the utility of money.  The PPM can and should change as the utility of money relative to each available good changes.  A stable PPM is actually destabilizing as it masks the natural changes taking place between money and each good and between the relative prices of all goods.  Individuals holding or spending money is socially useful as it is a reflection of individual value scales.  A fluctuating PPM is a natural result and reflection of this utility.  Useful economic information is distorted.  This fact will take on more importance when business cycles are studied.

1.  See Chapter 5 of Mises’ Theory of Money and Credit.

2.  See Chapter 7 of Mises’ Theory of Money and Credit.

3.  See Chapter 17 of Mises’ Human Action and Chapter 11 of Rothbard’s Man, Economy, and State.

4.  See Chapter 19 of Mises’ Human Action.

5.  See Chapter 6 in Rothbard’s Man, Economy, and State.

6.  See Chapter 11, Section 7 in Rothbard’s Man, Economy, and State.

7.  See Chapter 11, Section 8 in Rothbard’s Man, Economy, and State.

8.  See Chapter 11, Section 14 in Rothbard’s Man, Economy, and State.

Methodology

As mentioned in the previous post, Post Keynesians argue with mainstream economists (Neoclassicals, New Keynesians, etc.) over the ergodicity assumption in mainstream models.  The ergodicity of economic data is, however the wrong argument to be having because it presumes the use of improper tools for economic analysis.

Ergodic processes allow their parameters to be deduced from a statistically significant sample of data.  Human action, or any subset of it, does not have constant parameters because humans are not predictable in the way that particles, for example, are, due to subjective and ever changing  preferences.  Particles in water or moons orbiting a planet are ergodic, human behavior is non-ergodic.

Put another way, non-ergodic processes are path dependent, meaning their history, the path the system took to reach its current state, has some bearing on its future development and that there are many possible equilibriums for a system.  This seems to be a valid assumption and provides an important place for the history of economics.  Mainstream theory denies path dependency and places man, at least in its method of analysis, in the realm of automatons or particles, always seeking some predetermined, “natural” equilibrium.  Mainstream economists want economics to be a quantitative discipline like the hard sciences, devoid of historical analysis.

This application of mathematics to the study of human action leads to many problems.  The Post Keynesians take the non-ergodicity of human action a step further and proclaim that ontological uncertainty exists in economics, a philosophical step towards nihilism where even the use of general economic axioms is questioned.  The possibility of economic coordination would even be in doubt.

The mainstream economists deny the existence of ontological uncertainty and maintain that the goal of economics is to reduce our epistemic uncertainty through the use of better models containing better mathematical techniques.

Both sides are wrong:  the Post Keynesians in their flirtation with nihilism and the mainstream with their belief in the resolvability of the problems with mathematics.

There is another way, however, which does not rely on mathematical techniques and in which the problem of ontological or epistemic uncertainty does not even need to be decided.  Whether or not future psychologists will be able to predict human behavior, whether or not free will exists, is not important now.  Extreme uncertainty, not the mild uncertainty of a random walk, exists for us now, regardless of our future ability to tame it (doubtful though this is, and undesirable as it would reduce man to a predictable physical process).

The Austrian School uses deductive, a priori reasoning as the only valid means of coming to certain conclusions regarding human action, and an Austrian view of uncertainty is described in Chapter 6 of Mises’ Human Action.  Class probability, where the frequency of a large number of events is used to assign a probability on future events, is applicable to many areas of the natural sciences, despite its use by mainstream economics.  Case probability, where each event is unique, is not open to numerical analysis, since some or all of the relevant factors are unknown, but is the proper method of analyzing economic events.

The outcomes of some types of human action are able to be known with certainty, though not with mathematical certainty.  The law of supply and demand holds, but the magnitude of the change in one due to a change in the other remains unknown.  Constant relations do not exist,  utility curves are not continuous, and a change in one factor can change the relative positions of many other factors.  The use of mathematics in these questions adds nothing to our understanding of economics.  Instead, it can be harmful by providing a false sense of scientific certainty where none can exist.

Sources

http://ineteconomics.org/blog/inet/paul-davidson-response-john-kay

http://www.econlib.org/library/Mises/HmA/msHmA6.html

The Keynesian Fight Over the Proper Keynesian Policies

The intra-Keynesian fight over correct macroeconomic policy is a good lesson in the importance of epistemology in economics.  A good overview of the current debate is presented here.  Basically, mainstream Keynesians like Paul Samuelson and Paul Krugman are accused of  combining Keynes’ ideas with neoclassical thought and producing a watered down version which is devoid of the insights which made the Keynesian theory valuable in the first place. These modern Keynesians, according to the true believers, incorrectly believe that the market system is basically efficient and only needs tweaking by government action to remedy such features as sticky wages in order to fix a recession, which should be done by government deficit spending and easy credit, in that order.

Paul Davidson, leading Post Keynesian, in his book “The Keynes Solution: The Path to Global Economic Prosperity”, says that the crucial insight in Keynes’ General Theory is that uncertainty causes people to hold cash at a level that causes demand to fall, resulting in an equilibrium with unemployment, described here.  Unlike Samuelson and Krugman, who believe markets to be for the most part efficient, Davidson follows Keynes in seeing uncertainty as a permanent negative force on an economy.  Keynes also alleges that financial markets and investing are less based on rational analysis than they are on emotion or “animal spirits”.  These two factors are the reasons investment should be socialized.

Now we reach the epistemology.  The modern Keynesians and neo-classicals believe that accurate spot and futures markets exist, and that the past and present can be used to predict the future, what they call the ergodic principle.  The beginning of the Wikipedia article on ergodicity says all we need to know about the problems with current macroeconomic epistemology:

“In mathematics, the term ergodic is used to describe a dynamical system which, broadly speaking, has the same behavior averaged over time as averaged over space. In physics the term is used to imply that a system satisfies the ergodic hypothesis of thermodynamics.”

Human beings’ economic behavior is assumed to behave like inanimate particles, which obey known statistical properties.  Unfortunately, humans act in accordance with no known statistical distributions and with no fixed correlations or magnitudes, making predictive models impossible and any policy prescriptions based on those models suspect.  Modern Keynesians like Samuelson believed in ergodicity, a mild, understandable randomness with known parameters.

Keynes disagreed with this and saw uncertainty everywhere.  People sensed their inability to predict the future and this kept them from investing in long term projects.  Demand falls, conditions worsen, people hold even more cash to guard against uncertainty, and the economy spirals down.  At this point, the government must start making up for the lost demand by deficit spending.  As demand picks up, investment will increase and the economy will improve.  So sticky wages or the money illusion are not the main problems in this higher level of Keynesian analysis.  It is the uncertainty and fear of investors which is at the root of low demand.  Constant government pressure must be maintained against the under-investment due to uncertainty, which is lost on the modern Keynesians who advocate action only in the face of recession.

Keynes on Effective Demand and Unemployment

Keynes defined effective demand to be the income from production where aggregate supply (total expected income required to hire some number of workers) equals aggregate demand (total expected income due to hiring that number of workers).  Keynes says that effective demand could be in equilibrium with large scale involuntary unemployment.  This is where the General Theory comes in (so named to be compared with Einstein’s generally valid relativity as against Newton’s more special case of mechanics.  Keynes was trying to say that Classical economics, which focused on the distribution of given output, was only valid in the special case of full employment.  The General Theory broadened the scope of analysis to the laws of the size of output).  If effective demand is in equilibrium with involuntary unemployment, then the classical view that workers supply labor up until the disutility of labor equals the utility of the wage is only valid in the “special case” of full employment, not in general.  Effective demand is at this point because consumer demand and investment is too low for the employment of all available resources.

Keynes believed that effective demand with involuntary unemployment disproved Say’s Law, which he took to mean that aggregate supply and aggregate demand will be equal and that this would occur with full resource employment.  Say actually says that production leads to the ability to demand.  Something must be created in order to exchange it for something that someone else has created.  This is easy to see in a barter economy, but the issue becomes more complex in a money economy with wage labor.

How did Keynes propose to break out of the trap of effective demand equilibrium with unemployment, an equilibrium which perpetuated a cycle of underemployment and underinvestment?  He focused on the marginal efficiency of capital, or IRR in modern terms.  Capitalists would borrow money to buy capital goods until the point where their marginal efficiency equaled the interest rate.  Keynes argues that the interest rate should be pushed down, approaching zero, in order to induce more capital investment, increasing the price of capital, and the marginal efficiency of capital would approach zero (Keynes, and modern neo-classicals and New Keynesians, interestingly consider capital to be a homogeneous stock of goods.  Therefore capital is spoken of in general and in the aggregate and “its” marginal efficiency can approach zero).

This is where Keynes’ famous “euthanasia of the rentier” comes in.  Since investment has been socialized, the capitalist class which has benefited from the scarcity of capital by renting it out will be done away with.  Investment capital will be made available at zero percent interest, capital goods will be bought, and a new effective demand equilibrium with full employment will be reached.

Keynes versus the Classical Economists on Involuntary Unemployment

Now let’s move from a barter to a money economy.  Instead of direct exchange of goods, a medium of exchange is used for transactions.  Saving and borrowing take place.  Is this system more likely to break down and require the help of experts?  Money has its own supply and demand, its own objective value based on how many other goods it can exchange for, and each actor in the system places a subjective valuation on money.  Like all other goods in which he deals, each person chooses to hold some money in his inventory or to trade it for other goods.  This could be due to his expectation of the future value of money, his desire for other goods than money at the moment, or because he prefers the increased optionality that holding money gives him and which holding other goods does not.  Regardless of the reason, as more people hold money, the scarcer and more valuable it becomes, and the more people are willing to pay in interest to borrow it.  The interest rate is always moving to coordinate the supply and demand of money loans.

How is the money interest rate set?  It is based on the natural rate of interest, which is the difference in the price of a good today versus its price at some time in the future.  If someone can borrow $100, buy raw materials, convert them into a finished good which can be sold in one year for $110, he will pay up to 10% interest for that loan.  The market for money and the information it conveys allows for the supply and demand of other goods to tend toward equilibrium.  The existence of money in an economy allows for an increase in the division of labor, as some people will choose to exchange their labor for money instead of producing an entire good on their own.  This allows for greater specialization and it increases efficiency, so this would not seem to be a destabilizing force necessitating the benevolent wisdom of our deus ex machina.

It is at this point, where some people exchange their labor for money, when they become employees of other people, that some say that breakdowns can occur and intervention can become necessary.  It is widely agreed that the money paid to the person in exchange for his work is equal to the marginal product of his labor.  It is also contended that people, specifically workers, will supply their labor until the disutility of one more unit of labor equals the utility of the money received, the wage.

Keynes’ General Theory

John Maynard Keynes disagreed with the second contention, and said that if this were so there would be no involuntary unemployment.  Keynes’ opponents said large scale involuntary unemployment would only exist if real wages were kept artificially high by unions of workers or by governments.  Keynes responded that workers suffered from a “money illusion”, meaning that they did not care much about real wages and instead focused on nominal wages.  So even if prices of consumer goods were falling, and real wages were rising, workers would only see the stagnant or falling nominal wages.  Keynes also argued that workers would not be able to affect their real wages much anyway, since their agreed to lower nominal wages would lead to a fall in prices and thus unchanged real wages (although the fact exists that wages make up only a part of production costs).  Involuntary unemployment would exist, said Keynes, if consumer goods rose relative to nominal wages, in other words if real wages fell, and the supply of and demand for labor increased.

The Barter Economy and Say’s Law

At what number of participants in an economy do the laws of economics change?  Asked another way, at what number of participants does an enlightened, benevolent, exogenous force need to step in to the system from above to use force or to manipulate the system for the participants’ own good?  This of course presupposes that the benevolent outside force possesses some knowledge of which the system’s participants are unaware and that he can use this knowledge for their good.

In a two person, cooperating economy, both actors are aware of their needs, the other’s needs, their capabilities, and the other’s capabilities.  The level of communication and the awareness of each other’s comparative advantages would be such that coordination of production would be simple.  Shortages due to natural factors or personal limitations could arise, but these would be out of the control of the actors and could be mitigated through the creativity of the two people.  A third party with more knowledge of some production technique could offer advice, but he would then be entering the economy, even if he chose to abstain from trade (he would have to be autarchic).  The same could be said of systems of three, four, or more people.  At some number of participants, however, the actions of all other participants could not be known by every other actor, so personal coordination could not take place.  On the other hand, the likelihood that someone or some combination of people will produce the goods desired by any one person increases with the number of participants in the economy.  The likelihood that some outside expert would possess knowledge unknown to any other participant decreases with the number of participants.  Does the likelihood of discoordination also increase with the number of participants?  Is each actor more secure or less secure in a two or three person economy than in an economy with more participants?  Is there an optimal number of participants?

Let’s say that for a barter economy the answer is no, that the economic laws do not break down with some high number of participants and that people in general are better off and less likely to have unfulfilled physical wants as more people, each of which is both a producer and a consumer, enter the economy.  Even if some discoordination happened, the economy could divide into smaller units, perhaps by geography, until the optimal number of actors was reached and coordination and stability returned.  What if each actor produces some specialized good which no other person makes and that person leaves the market?  A greater number of actors increases the likelihood that someone else produces something similar and can step in to fill the unmet demand.  The larger system is more robust.

Jean-Baptiste Say described what would later be called Say’s Law to explain how economic downturns are not the result of weak demand, but lack of production.  He says that the ability to demand can only come from a previous act of production, which in the barter economy described above is obvious.  But what happens when money is introduced into the economy and some people, instead of producing finished goods themselves, hire themselves out to others in exchange for wages?  Does Say’s Law still hold?